Funding for the Hawaii anti-GMO
movement continues to grow, with nearly all of it coming from wealthy
mainland philanthropists, according to the latest tax returns.
Indeed, grantmaking foundations supply
virtually all the operating money that fuels the national and local
anti-biotech movement, even though its leaders love to claim they're
leading a grassroots, citizens' initiative.
Still, many details about funding
sources and expenditures remain murky, even as these groups demand
transparency from others.
Meanwhile, even as these groups actively
work to influence the current Hawaii legislative session, we are only
now seeing their financials from 2014, leaving the public and policy-makers
in the dark about their full role in Island politics.
Let's start with the Center for Food
Safety (CFS). This Washington, D.C.-based group serves as a funding
source for smaller groups, like Babes Against Biotech and Hawaii
Alliance for Progressive Action, and has a satellite office with
fulltime staff in Hawaii.
|
Hawaii CFS presents a distorted view of Island ag. |
In 2014, CFS took in $5.231 million — nearly $1.3 million more than 2013. With
these resources, CFS was able to:
• Increase its total number of
employees from 40 to 52
• Establish and staff a Hawaii field
office with an operating budget of $738,569
• Help win a Maui County (Hawaii)
referendum election calling for a GM crop moratorium
• Distribute $238,500 overseas to
anti-biotech organizations in Southeast Asia and Africa
• Wage a GMO labeling ballot
proposition campaign in Washington State
• Campaign to block passage of the
so-called “Dark Act” in Congress
• Expend $313,035 in lobbying
expenditures, almost all of it to influence legislation.
Research conducted by Rory Flynn, who contributed heavily to this post, shows that foundations provided over 90 percent of all “grants and contributions” received annually by CFS for the period 2002-2011. That remained true in 2014, with some 39 foundations identified as contributors that year. Furthermore, the tally of foundation grants received by CFS — and other anti-biotech NGOs — is growing year by year. CFS received more than $16 million during 2010-2014, compared to $7.3 million during 2005-2009, which represents quite a growth spurt.
Yes, anti-activism is a booming
business — though classified as a "charitable" activity by the IRS, and thus subsidized by taxpayers — with the flow of philanthropic dollars essentially untouched
by the recent recession.
So which foundations gave CFS $2,881 million in 2014?
Ceres
Trust — $630,789 Ceres Foundation — $500,000 Schmidt Family
Foundation — $250,000 William
Zimmerman Foundation — $160,000 Schwab
Charitable Fund (per 2013 990 ending 6/30/2014) — $135,250 David
B. Gold Foundation — $125,000 Cornerstone Campaign — $115,000
TomKat Charitable Trust —$100,000 Sacharuna Foundation —
$100,000 CS Fund (2013 990 ending 10/30/2014) — $100,000 Goldman
Sachs Charitable Gift Fund — $100,000 Marisla
Foundation — $75,000 V. Kann Rasmussen Foundation — $50,000 The
Bellweather Foundation II — $ 30,000 Atherton
Family Foundation — $29,000 Appleton Foundation — $25,000 Bill
Healy Foundation — $25,000 Organic
Valley (Farmers Advocating For Organics) — $25,000 Threshold
Foundation — $25,000 Flora Family Foundation — $25,000 Firedoll
Foundation — $25,000 Silicon Association Valley Community —
$25,000 Gaia Fund — $20,000 Cornell
Douglas Foundation Inc. — $20,000 Park Foundation, Inc. — $20,000
Boston Foundation — $20,000 New
World Foundation — $15,000 Colad Charitable Trust — $15,000
Conservation and Preservation Charities of America — $15,787 Community
Foundation of Western North Carolina — $12,000 Rudolf Steiner
Foundation (RSF) Social Finance — $11,000 Frost
Family Foundation (Maui) — $10,000 Gardner Grout Foundation —
$10,000 Roy A. Hunt Foundation — $7,500 The
Leonora Foundation Inc. — $ 5,000 Benjamin J. Rosenthal Foundation
— $ 5,000 Robert P. Rotella Foundation — $ 5,000 E&H Humbly Bumbly Foundation — $2,476 The Aufmuth Family
Foundation — $200
More opaque funding came from other
sources — Johnson Ohana Charitable Foundation and two organic
companies, Nutiva and Sky Island Organics — which disclosed they
donated, but not how much. The Johnson foundation gave to both the
national and Hawaii CFS offices, while Nutiva contributed to both CFS
and Hawaii SEED. And it got $11,629 from the "combined federal campaign" (federal workers).
CFS also received a $1.358 million windfall
in 2014 from a 2013 class action
lawsuit brought in California against a manufacturer of hair and skin
care products. Plaintiffs claimed they were misled by the
packaging and advertising of purportedly “wholly organic” hair
and skin care products that failed to meet the requirements of
California’s organic standards law, which resulted in a
class-action settlement of $6.5 million. Attorneys’ fees and
administration costs reduced that to $4.866 million.
Claims were capped at a maximum of $28 per person, and people had six
months to file. Apparently, few did, as $2.716 million was left in
the pot when claim period ended. By court order, it was split evenly
between the Consumers Union — the publisher of Consumer Reports, which claims to be non-partisan, but is actively anti-GMO — and CFS. These two
groups, and the lawyers who filed the suit, made out like bandits in
a case that was much ado about nothing.
There’s a growing argument that cy
pres (“as near as”) awards to NGOs are predatory and
unconstitutional. Basically, CFS received the cy pres funds because
it works to uphold the National Organic Standards Act. In other
words, its “underlying mission” was sufficient to make it a
beneficiary of the settlement, though CFS did not initiate the
lawsuit nor provide legal counsel to plaintiffs. In a more just world,
the court might
have directed such funds to a worthy cause — say, a food bank. But
that’s not how the cy pres doctrine works.
Flush with cash, CFS opened a field office in Honolulu in 2014 and hired Ashley Lukens, a political
science PhD, to run it. According to its tax return, the Center for
Food Safety expended $738,569 to open and operate its new Hawaii field office
in 2014.
A CFS press release said the office was staffed by Lukens,
program director, and Kasho Ho, a community outreach coordinator. How
did the fledgling, two-person office manage to expend $738,569? The
tax form provides no details. We know, however, that CFS assisted in
the 2014 GMO moratorium ballot measure campaign on Maui that year.
But the tax form supplies no details about this political campaign
activity and related expenditures.
In 2014, CFS executive director Andrew
Kimbrell claimed that he received $217,441 from CFS, with an
additional $17,400 shown as estimated “other compensation from the
organization and related organizations.” In fact, he received
nearly twice that amount, or $32,500, in 2014 from the Cornerstone
Campaign, which is led by two Rockefeller heiresses:
CFS drags its feet in filing tax
returns, which is why we're only now seeing its 2014 return. What's more, the return for its political action fund, which has been used to influence Hawaii politics, is not available on Guidestar, leaving citizens in the dark.
Nevertheless, a look
at the returns filed by various foundations gives us a glimpse
of CFS' income sources for 2015:
Other foundations that previously
funded CFS have not yet reported on Guidestar. They include: Hawaii
Community Foundation; Marisla Foundation (Anne Getty Earhart);
William Zimmerman Foundation; David B. Gold Foundation; V. Kann
Rasmussen Foundation; Johnson Ohana Charitable Foundation;
Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, Inc.; RSF Social Finance; Appleton
Foundation; Bill Healy Foundation; Flora Family Foundation; San
Francisco Foundation; New World Foundation; Conservation and
Preservation Charities of America; Community Foundation of Western
North Carolina; Hawaii People’s Fund; Nutiva; Sky Island Organics;
Organic Valley; and the Combined Federal Campaign.
Unfortunately, many foundations are now
failing to attach a roster of grants made to their 990-PF form. This
is a disturbing trend that further shields grant-making from public
scrutiny.
So how is CFS using its money, aside from running a propaganda campaign in Hawaii? Though
its own return offers few details, the 2015 returns filed by its funders shed
more light. I'll delve into that in the next installment.
Again, many thanks to Rory Flynn for
his painstaking research.